Carl von Clausewitz never debated “wokeness” on social media, argued immigration policy on talk shows, or worried about the monopolisation of media ownership. Yet his 19th-century insight, ‘War is merely the continuation of politics by other means’, remains remarkably prescient in today’s ideological conflicts. Across the UK, USA, and Europe, right-wing forces have strategically united around these battles, bolstered by the financial backing of powerful elites and control of influential media. Meanwhile, the centre and centre-left remain fragmented and disadvantaged.
Clausewitz in context: Politics, war, and power
Carl Philipp Gottfried von Clausewitz (1780 – 1831) was a Prussian general, military theorist, and philosopher of war whose life was shaped by the Napoleonic Wars. Disillusioned by Prussia’s military failures and inspired by the chaos of modern combat, Clausewitz saw war not as senseless violence but as a continuation of political will by other means.
His unfinished masterpiece, On War (Vom Kriege), remains a cornerstone of strategic thinking. His most famous insight, that war is political, continues to inform not only military doctrine, but also modern ideological conflict.
At the heart of his theory lies the Trinity of War, a dynamic interplay between:
- Violence and Passion (The People) – the emotional engine: nationalism, vengeance, identity, fear.
- Chance and Probability (The Military) – unpredictability, friction, and tactical risk.
- Reason and Policy (The Government) – political objectives and strategic planning.
Clausewitz introduced certain concepts. First of which is friction; the messy, unpredictability of conflict, now intensified by the constant flood of disinformation and conflicting narratives that overwhelm public understanding which gives way to the fog of war; the uncertainty and limited visibility that shape decisions during crisis.
These ideas remain invaluable for understanding the chaos and calculation behind today’s culture wars.
The right’s war machine: Emotion, chaos, and strategic intent
The modern right has adapted Clausewitz’s lessons. It does not need tanks, it has outrage. Instead of battlefields, it fights through headlines, algorithms, and cultural narratives, with striking cohesion:
- Emotion: Nationalist rhetoric, moral panics, and conspiracies stir powerful public feelings.
- Chance: Social media platforms enable rapid chaos. Algorithms amplify outrage. Disinformation is weaponised.
- Purpose: Right-wing politicians have a clear strategy: win elections, change laws, enrich allies, and secure ideological dominance.
They claim to battle “elites” while being funded by billionaires, fossil fuel interests, hedge funds, and media magnates. It is a contradiction they have turned into a strategic asset, posing as anti-establishment whilst helping to preserve elite power.
Built over decades
This right-wing mobilisation did not happen overnight. For decades, they have built think tanks, media outlets, lobbying networks, and funding mechanisms. The result: a permanent ideological infrastructure.
The consequences are becoming visible. In July 2024, Donald Trump told a crowd at the Turning Point Action Believers’ Summit in Florida:
“Christians, get out and vote, just this time. You won’t have to do it anymore… In four years, you don’t have to vote again. We’ll have it fixed so good, you’re not going to have to vote.”
This wasn’t hyperbole, it was a glimpse of authoritarian ambition. It is the endpoint of Clausewitzian logic taken to extremes: a war that eliminates its opposition so thoroughly, the very need for democratic participation disappears. Clausewitz, despite being a military strategist, strongly advocated for civilian control over the military – a key safeguard of democratic governance. Today, however, many on the right seek to erode that principle, aiming to exert similar control over both the military and the media, bending them to serve a singular ideological vision rather than democratic accountability.
Wealth and media control
Right-wing movements thrive on financial power. Their donors don’t just fund campaigns, they build ecosystems.
In the UK, tabloids like The Sun and broadcasters such as GB News steer public discourse. In the US, Fox News and alt-media influencers deliver round-the-clock culture war content. Across Europe, oligarchs purchase newsrooms and turn them into tools of ideological enforcement.
This media dominance provides the right with narrative control, emotional amplification, and a platform to delegitimise dissent.
The fragmented opposition
Meanwhile, the centre and centre-left struggle. Complexity, internal division, and procedural thinking dilute their impact. They rely on facts in an era of feeling. They pursue consensus while their opponents manufacture rage.
Disputes over language, tone, and tactical purity splinter their movements. Each faction, greens, progressives, liberals, centrists, pull in different directions while the right marches as one.
Clausewitzian case studies
- Brexit: Sovereignty became the emotional hook. Chaos came via social media and tabloid lies. The strategic goal: deregulation and elite consolidation.
- US culture wars: Wedge issues, abortion, guns, trans rights – all used to create outrage, fracture coalitions, and suppress resistance.
- Europe: Nationalist parties deploy cultural grievance to justify authoritarianism, media crackdowns, and constitutional overhauls.
Clausewitz would recognise all of it as seizing the initiative.
Friction and fog
Clausewitz noted that “Everything in war is simple, but the simplest thing is difficult.”
That’s friction; misjudgements, miscommunication and bad luck. In today’s media-saturated environment, this is intensified by deliberate attempts to confuse, mislead, and exhaust. It is strategy by saturation.
Then there is the fog of war; digital disinformation, AI fakery, and partisan noise that obscure the truth. The right thrives in this fog. Liberals, dependent on transparency and trust, often falter.
How the centre-left can respond
Clausewitz believed the strongest defence is an active one. Waiting is not defence, it’s surrender. To fight back, they need:
- Strategic Clarity: Define values. Defend democracy. Articulate a vision of the future that is bold and just.
- Mobilise Resources: Fund media, train communicators, and support institutions that can weather the storm.
- Build Unity: Accept imperfections. Find common cause. Coalitions win wars.
- Master Narrative: Emotion drives politics. Use it. Tell stories. Use language that resonates.
- Go Digital: Compete in the digital trenches. Train activists. Counter trolls. Don’t concede the internet.
Above all, act fast. The right has been preparing for decades. The centre-left must now accelerate or lose not just the debate, but the democratic structure itself.
Final thought: Clausewitz never left
Clausewitz didn’t predict TikTok. But he understood that politics is about power, and that power rarely plays fair.
The modern right has treated every skirmish as a campaign, every grievance as a weapon, and every opponent as a threat. They understand the terrain. The centre-left must now do the same.
Culture wars are not a distraction. They are the front line.
Clausewitz spoke of war as the continuation of politics by other means. Today, the right has adopted that principle wholeheartedly.
The only question left is whether democracy’s defenders will too.
